BOOK LAUNCH: Ariella Aïsha Azoulay’s
The Jewelers of the Ummah: A Potential History of the Jewish Muslim World (2024)
DATE: Friday, 31 January 2025
VENUE: Online, via Zoom
TIME: 18h00 SAST, 11h00 EST, 16h00 UTC, 17h00 CET
VIAD’s RADICAL | OTHERS in collaboration with Verso Books, curate a global, online book launch to bring Azoulay’s latest book into proximity with other anticolonial thinkers and artmakers. The Jewelers of the Ummah: A Potential History of the Jewish Muslim World by أريئيلا عائشة أزولاي Ariella Aïsha Azoulay argues for the reclamation of indigenous worlds to re-make the world and unlearn imperialism.
RSVP here.
Excerpt from the book[1]
From ‘Letter 4 to Frantz Fanon. “With all my being, I refuse to accept this amputation”’
Dear Frantz,
I’m neither a psychiatrist nor a psychoanalyst, but I can say with confidence that my father suffered from colonial trauma and a colonial disorder. He felt foreign to his environment, totally alienated. And even though this kind of disorder must have been very common among Algerian Jews, there was nowhere he could go to take advantage of what you describe as the “the medical technique that aims to enable man no longer to be a stranger to his environment.” No therapeutic or psychiatric initiative in Algeria offered Algerian Jews a way to recognize or articulate their colonial disorder. They suffered from their colonial subjection as indigenous Algerians, their transformation into French citizens in 1870, the revocation of their French citizenship under Vichy, the anti-Jewish laws in the Maghreb, and the restoration of French citizenship after World War II—the latter, granted as if France had not confiscated Jewish property, deported young Jews to concentration camps in the Maghreb, and, in France, sent 75,000 Jews to their death (among them 3,000 Algerians living in France). The infamous Crémieux Decree granting newly colonized Algerian Jews French citizenship was not the end of their colonization but its continuation in a different form.
Without recourse to the medical techniques of which you wrote so eloquently, and with his alienation impacting all areas of his life, my father attempted to leave the toxic colonial environment of Algeria three times in less than a decade—in 1943, 1946, and 1949. The first time was when he was held in the Bedeau internment and forced labor camp; he suspected that volunteering for the French forces and going to war would be better than staying in Algeria. Given the unresolved status of the Jews after the official end of the Vichy government in Algeria, he did not know exactly what volunteering for this army as a Jew would mean, but he went anyway. The second time he tried to leave was upon his return from service in World War II. I assume that, like many other colonized people who fought for France, including you, he quickly realized that the promise of freedom and victory over fascism was a broken one, since the racial regime under which he lived had not been defeated with the fall of the Axis powers. He then decided to move to France, but after barely a year in Paris, he returned home to Oran.
Reading “The ‘North African Syndrome’” (1952), which you wrote based on your observations of North Africans’ experiences in France in the same years when my father left for France, helped me figure out what may have provoked his quick return to Algeria. You quote a certain Léon Mugniery, who in 1952 submitted a doctoral thesis in medicine to the university in Lyon. In his thesis, Mugniery denounces the French government’s “too hasty” mistake of granting French citizenship and equal rights to Algerians working in France “based on sentimental and political reasons, rather than on the fact of the social and intellectual evolution of a race having a civilization that is at times refined but still primitive in its social, family and sanitary behavior.” Even as you critique Mugniery’s imperial stance, you do not ask yourself, “Who were these Algerians that Mugniery speaks of?” You assume they are Arabs, and that all Arabs are Muslims. However, the majority of Algerians with French citizenship who lived in France following World War II were not Muslims. The ruling of March 7, 1944, ascribed French citizenship only to “deserving” Algerians: “those having received decorations, civil servants, etc.” Algerian Jews had been legally considered citizens since 1870, and they migrated in small numbers to France in the first half of the twentieth century.
For racists like Mugniery, Algerians were Algerians, irrespective of their faith or citizenship status. The common racist idioms you quote—“Why don’t they stay where they belong?”—are indicative of a world where Mugniery could be licensed to heal people. And the trouble, as you say it, lies here: “They have been told they were French. They learned it in school. In the street. In the barracks … Now they are told in no uncertain terms that they are in ‘our’ country. That if they don’t like it, all they have to do is go back to their Casbah.” This is probably the drama my father also went through during his one-year stay in Paris. This is the core of the Algerian Jew’s disorder—and that of Algerians in general—their (self-)ascribed Frenchness exceeded the status assigned to them, so much so that their performance of Frenchness was often experienced by French settlers of Algeria as an insult, and by the French in France as an invasion.
In a biography she wrote about you, Alice Cherki, who, as you know, studied psychiatry in Algeria before she worked with you, shared her memory of how a French psychiatrist-in-training responded when he read the names of the students displayed at the entrance of the medicine school in Algiers: “Benmiloud, Benghezal, Benaïssa, Chibane, Aït Challal, Boudjellal … we are being invaded by Arabs. To say nothing of the Jews who consider themselves at home everywhere and anywhere they please.” Since the very beginning of Algeria’s colonization, the French were obsessed with planning to expel Algeria’s Jews. This, in a way, turned the Jews of Algeria into captives of the settlers’ goodwill, for despite all the settler-colonial violence, the French settlers offered Algeria’s Jews protection from the even more vicious early plans of other Frenchmen (for example, plans to deport them or to water “the tree of freedom with the blood of the Jews”). As one of the Jewish protagonists in Olivia Elkaim’s semi-autobiographical novel says, “We are so happy to be French that, from now on, we have become their guests. We are no longer at home. And they’re going to do whatever it takes to kick us out.” It is not a coincidence that with Algeria’s independence, France’s early plans came to fruition and the Jews were forced to depart from Algeria. (The French had to leave too; alas for them that they could not enjoy the realization of their dream, an Algeria free of Jews.)
It didn’t occur to me to ask my father about his experience in France during that year in 1946. What might it have meant for him to be so unwelcome, knowing that deportation could be as real a possibility for him as it was for his paternal uncle and aunt, who had been deported by the French to Auschwitz? What I regret most is not being able to awaken the anticolonial interlocutor within him, who, in my decolonial imagination, should have existed along with his anarchic spirit. If someone like you could have helped him understand his distress, he might have acquired this consciousness, especially as his father, who died in 1943 and could not be there for him when he came back to Algeria, had been an anarcho-communist.
Instead, my father had to be torn by the contradictions of colonialism, assimilation, and conversion, numb to the inherited pain of exile ingrained in those who were forced to leave their country and become converted Frenchmen. My father dissociated himself from the memory of the forced conversion to Frenchness, even though he still retained some remnants of its harm, transmitted from his parents and his parents’ parents. He was not given an anticolonial education that could have helped him account for his experience. And, similar to other North African men you describe in your essay, he had a hostile attitude toward his painful past: “It is as though it is an effort for him to go back to where he no longer is. The past for him is a burning past. What he hopes is that he will never suffer again, never again be face to face with that past … He does not understand that anyone should wish to impose on him, even by way of memory, the pain that is already gone.” All his life my father suffered from chronic headaches; the condition lasted until he died. It was exactly as you describe: “The patient is not immediately relieved, but he does not go back to the same doctor, nor to the same dispensary.” No one could help him. After he tried physicians, he switched to pharmacologists, and he even consulted pharmaceutical companies and research centers. In one response he received from a research center in Montreal, I could see how desperate he had been to receive a supply of a hard-to-obtain drug.
The third time my father tried to leave Algeria was in 1949. A Zionist advertisement in the newspaper called upon Jews to volunteer for one year of military service to defend “the Jews” in Palestine, whom the ads depicted as under an “existential threat.” With all the disinformation about the establishment of the state of Israel, I don’t think my father could grasp the deceptive nature of this advertisement, which concealed the colonial reality in Palestine. Nor could he conceive of how the Zionists were akin to the French colonizers, waging war to conquer Palestine and to destroy centuries-old conviviality between Arabs and Jews. The advertisement was deliberately written to make Jews like him, who had fought against the Nazis, see the war in Palestine as a sequel to World War II, the next place where Jews were under genocidal attack. My father had a return ticket, but toward the end of his year in Palestine, he met the woman who became my mother and decided to stay. If he hadn’t met my mother, he probably would have continued as planned to Canada; as he told me once, “I would not return to Oran at any price.” He did not even mention France as an option. In your 1956 resignation letter from your position as a Chief of Staff at the Blida-Joinville Psychiatric Hospital, you wrote: “I owe it to myself to affirm that the Arab, permanently an alien in his own country, lives in a state of absolute depersonalization.” It is not clear to me how much you understood that this Arab that you were talking about was not necessarily Muslim but could be Jewish too.
[1] Ariella Aïsha Azoulay. The Jewelers of the Ummah: A Potential History of the Jewish Muslim World. Verso Books: London, 2024. Pp 90-93.
Ariella Aïsha Azoulay
Ariella Aïsha Azoulay teaches at Brown University political theory from an anti-colonial perspective, using photography, craft and jewelry to study onto-epistemological violence perpetrated through institutions and technologies like museums, archives and nation states. Potential history and unlearning imperialism, developed in her previous book Potential History: Unlearning Imperialism (Verso Books, 2019) are key concepts and an approach that she has developed over more than a decade, concepts having far-reaching implications for the fields of political theory, archival formations, museum and photography studies, as she shows in her two recent books The Jewelers of the ummah – Potential History of The Jewish Muslim World (Verso 2024) and Collaboration – A Potential History of Photography (co-edited with W. Ewald, S. Meiselas, L. Raiford, L. Wexler, T&H, 2023). A new edition of her 2012 book recently came out: Civil Imagination: The Political Ontology of Photography (Verso Books, 2024). Azoulay also published The Civil Contract of Photography (Zone Books, 2008) and From Palestine to Israel: A Photographic Record of Destruction and State Formation, 1947–1950 (Pluto Press, 2011). Azoulay is also a film essayist, and independent curator. Among her films: The world like a jewel in the hand – Unlearning Imperial Plunder II (2023), Un-documented: Unlearning Imperial Plunder I (2019) and Civil Alliances, Palestine, 47–48 (2012). Among her exhibitions: Errata (Fundació Antoni Tàpies, Barcelona, 2019; HKW, Berlin, 2020), and The Natural History of Rape (Berlin Biennale, 2022).
Correspondents
Jennifer Bajorek
Prof Jennifer Bajorek is a scholar and writer working on questions at the intersection of photography, art, and poetry. She has a particular interest in the aesthetic aftermaths of colonialism in French and Francophone worlds, with a cultural and geographic focus on Africa. At Hampshire, she teaches interdisciplinary courses on literature (fiction, experimental nonfiction, and poetry); photography and film; and philosophies of the image and of liberation.
To read Jennifer Bajorek’s full biography, click here.
Alexandra Kokoli
Prof Alexandra Kokoli is Associate Professor in Visual Culture at the University of Middlesex, London. She is an art historian and theorist originally trained in comparative literature. In her writings, Alexandra considers the aesthetic mobilisation of discomfort to political ends, focusing on art practices informed by and committed to feminism, the fraught but fertile relationship between feminism and psychoanalysis, death, mourning and shame.
To read Alexandra Kokoli’s full biography, click here.
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